From: <<http://www.9000phoneticwords.com/wisdom%20and%20courage/worsethanaquagmire.html>>
IT IS WORSE THAN A QUAGMIRE -- IRAQ IS A MAELSTROM.
The complexities go further than presented below --
for instance,
(1)
Shiite
Arabs
against Shiite Persians (Iran).
(2)
There is almost an endless supply of money available
from Saudi Arabia and all the Arab countries to back the Sunni-Arabs.
(3)
Al Quaeda
is now aligned with the Baathist Sunnis -- even though Al Quaeda hates Saudi
Arabia .
(4) There are all sorts of intertwined foes -- at odds along religious lines,
geographic lines,
ethnic lines and historical lines.
(5)
Can only someone like Hitler or Sadaam keep "peace"?
Nobody in power saw this coming when we were planning to invade Iraq???
All
those high-level neocons: Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, Perle, Cheney, Rice and so
on were incredibly
naive.
Breaking the Clinch / By
DAVID BROOKS / January 25, 2007 / Op-Ed Columnist / NY Times
Iraq
is at the beginning of a civil war fought using the tactics of genocide, and
it has all the conditions to get much worse. As a Newsweek correspondent, Christian
Caryl, wrote recently from Baghdad , "What's clear is that we're far closer
to the beginning of this cycle of violence than to its end." As John Burns
of The Times said on "Charlie Rose" last night, "Friends of
mine who are Iraqis - Shiite, Sunni, Kurd - all foresee a civil war on a scale
with bloodshed that would absolutely dwarf what we're seeing now." Iraq
already has the warlord structures that caused mass murder in Rwanda ,Bosnia
,Sierra Leone and elsewhere. Violent, stupid
men who would be the dregs of society under normal conditions rise amid the
trauma, chaos and stress and become revered leaders.
They command squads of young men who leave the moral universe and have no future
in a peacetime world. They kill for fun, faith and profit - because they find
it more rewarding to massacre and loot than to farm or labor. They are manipulated
by political leaders with a savage zero-sum mind-set, who know they must kill
or be killed, and who are instituting strategic ethnic cleansing campaigns
to expand their turf.
Worse, Iraq already has the psychological conditions that have undergirded
the great bloodbaths of recent years. Iraqi minds, according to the most sensitive
reporting, have already been rewired by the experiences of trauma and extreme
stress. Some people become hyperaggressive and turn into perfect killers. Others
endure a phased mental shutdown that looks like severe depression. They lose
their memory and become passive and fatalistic. They become perfect victims.
Amid the turmoil, the complexity of life falls away, and things are reduced
to stark polarities: Sunni-Shiite or Shiite-Sunni, human-subhuman. Once this
mental descent has begun, it is possible to kill without compunction. In Rwanda
, for example, the journalist Jean Hatzfeld interviewed a Hutu man who had
killed his Tutsi neighbor. "At the fatal instant," the
man recalled, "I did not see in him what he had been before. ... His features
were indeed similar to those of the person I knew, but nothing firmly reminded
me that I had lived beside him for a long time."
The weakness of the Bush surge plan is that it relies on the Maliki government
to somehow be above this vortex. But there are no impartial institutions in
Iraq , ready to foster reconciliation. As ABC's Jonathan Karl notes in The
Weekly Standard, the Shiite finance ministries now close banks that may finance
Sunni investments. The Saadrist health ministries dismiss Sunni doctors. The
sectarian vortex is not fomented by extremists who are appendages to society.
The vortex is through and through.
The Democratic approach, as articulated by Senator Jim Webb - simply get out
of Iraq "in short order" - is a howl of pain that takes no
note of the long-term political and humanitarian consequences. Does the party
that still talks piously about ending bloodshed in Darfur really want to walk
away from a genocide the U.S. is partly responsible for? Are U.S. troops going
to be pulled back to secure bases to watch passively while rivers of Iraqi
blood lap at their gates? How many decades will Americans be fighting to quell
the cycle of regional violence set loose by a transnational Sunni-Shiite explosion?
I for one have become disillusioned with dreams of transforming Iraqi society
from the top down. But it's not too late to steer the situation in a less bad
direction. Increased American forces can do good - they are still, as David
Ignatius says, the biggest militia on the block - provided they are directed
toward realistic goals.
There is one option that does approach Iraqi reality from the bottom up. That
option recognizes that Iraq is broken and that its people are fleeing their
homes to survive. It calls for a "soft partition" of
Iraq in order to bring political institutions into accord with the social facts
- a central government to handle oil revenues and manage the currency, etc.,
but a country divided into separate sectarian areas to reduce contact and conflict.
When the various groups in Bosnia finally separated, it became possible to
negotiate a cold (if miserable) peace.
Soft partition has been advocated in different ways by Joe Biden and Les Gelb,
by Michael O'Hanlon and Edward Joseph, by Pauline Baker at the Fund for Peace,
and in a more extreme version, by Peter Galbraith.
Copyright NY Times